Skip to content

חוֹתָם ḥotām – seal, signet ring

Semantic Fields: Utensils   
Author(s): Marjo Korpel *
First published: 2021-11-08
Last update: 2026-01-13
Citation: Marjo Korpel, חוֹתָם ḥotām – seal, signet ring,
               Semantics of Ancient Hebrew Database (sahd-online.com), 2021 (update: 2026) (WORK IN PROGRESS)

Introduction

Grammatical type: noun masc.

Occurrences: 16x HB (8/4/4); 4x Sir; 5x Qum; 2x Inscr. (Total: 27)

  • Torah: Gen 38:18, 25; Exod 28:11, 21, 36, 39:6 14, 30;
  • Nebiim: 1 Kgs 21:8; Jer 22:24; Ezek 28:12; Hag 2:23;
  • Ketubim: Job 38:14, 41:7; Song 8:6 (2x);
  • Ben Sira: 32:5B,F, 6B,F; 42:6Mas,B; 45:11B;
  • Qumran: 4Q274 f3ii:3; 4Q300 f1aii-b:2; 4Q364 f9a-b:7; 4Q365 f12biii:13; PAM 43686 f37:1;
  • Inscriptions: Arad [6]13:3, [6] 17:6-7.

A.1 The occurrence in Ezek 28:12 is based upon an emendation defended by a host of scholars with reference to the versions; cf. the discussion in Figurative Use, A.1.

1. Root and Comparative Material

A.1 Root: Since the root is attested in both Northwest and South Semitic languages (CDG, 267-8, 297-98, 785), a Semitic origin might be considered, but is unlikely. See below.

A.2 Egyptian: Lambdin 1953, 151; FWOT, 74; Otzen 1982:282; Hallo 1983:7; HAL, 288; Ges18, 333; CEDHL, 212, and many others regard חוֹתָם as an Egyptian loanword (ḫtm, cf. WSP, 135). This is a credible hypothesis because the Egyptian word occurs in texts dating from the Old Kingdom and still denotes the cylinder seal there (Schott 1957:181), not the stamp seal that became predominant in Canaan. So the Egyptian word dates from a time long before the Semitic influence in Egypt became significant. Moreover, in Akkadian a totally different word (kunukku) was used.

A.3 Akkadian: Hallo 1983:7, takes the Akkadian term kunukku (seal, sealed tablet) as the equivalent of Hebrew חוֹתָם since it is equated with the Eblaite ḫu-tá-mu in a lexical text from Ebla. This kunukku mostly designates a cylinder seal. It occurs in a Babylonian passage that renders as follows, ‘My son, if it be the wish of the prince that you are his, if you hang his closely guarded (na-aṣ-ra-am-ma) seal around (your neck), open his treasure house, enter within, for apart from you there is no one else (who may do this)’ (Lambert 1960:130, l. 82; cf. CAD (K), 544a-b). This text illustrates the special privileges of a man wearing the seal of someone else. The word kunukku is provided with the determinative for ‘stone’.

A.4 Ugaritic: In broken context KTU 2.25 has ḫtm . rb. It is unclear whether this means ‘a big seal’ or is a PN followed by rb, ‘officer’.

A.5 Phoenician, Punic: DNWSI vol. 1, 413-14: ḥtm, ‘seal’, and as a verb ‘to seal’. A third meaning might be ‘signet officer (?)’, ‘sealer (?)’, or ’maker of seals (?)’ (cf. Hebr. חוֹתֵם).

A.6 Old and Imperial Aramaic: ḥtm occurs as a noun ‘seal’ and as a verb ‘to seal’ (DNWSI, vol. 1, 414; ADE, 141).

A.7 Postbiblical Hebrew: See Exegesis, Textual Evidence, A.4.

A.8 Jewish Aramaic: For Qumran, see Exegesis, Textual Evidence, A.4. The verb חתם occurs both in Palestinian and Babylonian Jewish Aramaic in the sense of ‘to seal, sign, validate’. Furthermore are found חתום ‘signatory, engraver’; חתמא / חתמתא ‘seal, sealing, validation’; חתמותא ‘sealing, signature’ (Sokoloff, DJPA, 218; Sokoloff, DJBA, 489-90).

A.9 Samaritan Aramaic: Both the verb and the noun do occur, the former also in the figurative sense of ‘to finish’. חתמא is attested in the metaphorical sense of ‘completion, end’ (cf. Tal, DSA, 300-01).

A.10 Syriac: The root ܚܬܡ (ḥtm) and many derivatives are attested, not only in the meaning of ‘seal’, but also ‘finish, end’ and in the specialised meaning of ‘making the sign of the cross’ (Payne Smith, CSD, 164; LSyr, 264).

A.11 Old Arabic: The verb ḫtm, ‘to seal’, occurs in Qatabian ( LIQ, 76).

A.12 Classical Arabic: Attested as ḫatm, ḫātam, possibly borrowed from Aramaic (so Fraenkel 1886:252; CEDHL, 212).

A.13 Modern South Arabic: Mehri, ḫōtem, ‘ring’ ( mL, 451); Soqotri ḫātem, ‘seal’ ( LSoq, 197).

A.14 Ethiopic: ḫatama, ‘to seal’, māḫtam, maḫtamt, ’stamp seal, sign’ and many other derivations (cf. CDG, 267-8, 297-8).

2. Formal Characteristics

A.1 Albeit חוֹתָם might be seen as an Egyptian loanword, it is in qoṭel form and as such seems to point to a substantive character based on the root חתם. Cf. Kedar-Kopfstein 1981, CDG, 615, but compare Cook 2008.

3. Syntagmatics

A.1 חוֹתָם is nomen rectum of:

  • פתוח, ‘engraving’, Exod 28:11, 21, 36; 39:6, 14, 30; Sir 45:11(B); 4Q365 f12biii:13;
  • חֹמר, ‘clay’, Job 38:14.

Adverb

  • צר, ‘narrow’, Job 41:7;
  • ברקת, ‘morning star’ or ‘jewel’, Sir 32:6(B, F);
  • חזון, ‘appearance’, 4Q300 f1aii-b:2.

חֹתֶמֶת is object of:

  • מִי, ‘who’, Gen 37:25;
  • ישׁ, ‘there is’, 4Q274 f3ii:3.

חוֹתָם is conjoined with the verbs:

  • נתן, ‘to give’, Gen 38:18; 4Q364 f9a-b:7;
  • חתם, ‘to seal’, 1 Kgs 21:8; 4Q300 f1aii-b:2;
  • היה, ‘to be’, Jer 22:24;
  • שׂים, ‘to place’, Hag 2:23; Song 8:6 (2x);
  • בושׁ, ‘to be ashamed’, Sir 42:6(Mass, B).

חוֹתָם is governed by:

  • ב, ‘in’, 1 Kgs 21:8;
  • כ, ‘like’, Hag 2:23; Song 8:6 (2x); Sir 32:5 (B, F).

A.2 The Massoretes have noted that כחוֹתָם is found only thrice in HB: in Hag 2:23 and Song 8:6 (2x) (BHQ 13: 48*).

A.3 PAM43686 f37:1 is impossible to analyse due to the state of the fragment.

B.1 For Sir 42:6 the verb is found in v. 1 (בושׁ, ‘to be ashamed’), but for MS Mass, the reconstuction of Reymond (http://www.bensira.org) presents חוֹתָם as subject of ש֗ת, translated as: ‘[he] wields’.

4. Ancient Versions

a. Septuagint (LXX) and other Greek versions (αʹ, σʹ, θʹ):

  • ἀποσφράγισμα, ‘seal, signet, signet ring’:1 Jer 22:24LXX; Ezek 28:12LXX;
  • δακτύλιος, ‘ring, signet’:2 Gen 38:18LXX, 25LXX;
  • ζῷον, ‘living being, animal’:3 Job 38:14LXX;
  • σμιρίτης, ‘emery-powder’:4 Job 41:7LXX;
  • σφραγίς, ‘seal, signet’:5 Gen 38:18αʹ; Exod 28:11LXX, 21LXX’ 36LXX; 39:6LXX’ 14LXX, 30LXX; 1 Kgs 21:8LXX; Ezek 28:12αʹ; Hag 2:23LXX; Song 8:6LXX(2x); Sir 32:5[35:7], 6[35:8]; 42:6; 45:11.

b. Peshitta (Pesh):

  • ܓܘܫܡܐ (gusmā), ‘body’:6 Job 38:14. See discussion below;
  • ܚܬܝܡ (paraphrastic) (ḥtim), ‘sealed’:7 Job 41:7;
  • ܚܬܡܐ (ḥātmā), ‘seal’:8 Exod 28:11, 21, 36; 39:6, 14, 30; Jer 22:24; Hag 2:23; Song 8:6 (2x); Sir 32:5;
  • ܛܒܥܐ (ṭabʿā), ‘seal, stamp’:9 Ezek 28:12;
  • ܥܙܩܬܐ (ʿezqtā), ‘ring’:10 Gen 38:18, 25; 1 Kgs 21:8;
  • ܥܩܐ (ʿqā), ‘necklace’:11 Sir 32:6;
  • Omission in Pesh: Sir 42:6; 45:11.

c. Targum (Tg):

  • עזקתא, ‘signet ring’:12 TgO/TgN Gen 38:18; TgO Gen 38:25; TgO/TgPsJ Exod 28:11, 21; TgO/TgJ Exod 39:14; TgJ 1 Kgs 21:8; TgJ Jer 22:24; TgJ Hag 2:23; Tg Song 8:6 (2x);
  • סיטומתא, ‘seal’:13 TgPsJ Gen 38:18;
  • חתום, ‘engraver’:14 TgN (margin/glosses) Exod 28:11, 21, 36; 39:6, 14, 30 (חתים);
  • מפרש (Pa. פרש), ‘distinct’:15 TgO Exod 28:36; 39:6, 30; TgPsJ Exod 39:6;
  • חקיק (Pe. pass. part. חקק ), ‘engraved’:16 TgN Exod 28:11, 21; 36; 39:6, 14, 30;
  • חקיק ומפרש, ‘engraved and disctinct’:17 TgPsJ Exod 28:36; 39:30;
  • צוּרתא, ‘from, shape’:18 TgJ Ezek 28:12;
  • חותם, ‘seal’ (Hebraism):19 Job 38:14; 41:7.

d. Vulgate (Vg):

  • anulus, ‘ring’:20 Gen 38:18, 25; 28:26; 1 Kgs 21:8; Jer 22:24;
  • celatura gemmarii sculpes, ‘the engraving of a jeweller’:21 Exod 28:21;
  • figuratis, ‘form, shape’:22 Sir 45:11[13];
  • gemmula, ‘little gem’:23 Sir 32:5[7];
  • lapides, ‘stone’:24 Exod 28:11;
  • sculpes opere celatoris, ‘with engraver’s work’:25 Exod 28:36;
  • sculptos arte gemmaria, ‘engraved by the art of a jeweller’:26 Exod 39:6;
  • signaculus, ‘seal, signet’:27 Exod 39:6; Ezek 28:12; Hag 2:23 [24]; Job 38:14; Song 8:6 (2x);
  • signum, ‘sign’:28 Sir 32:6[8]; 42:6;
  • squama, ‘scale’:29 Job 41:7[6];
  • No rendering: Exod 39:14, 30.

A.1 In the Targumim the words פִּתּוּחֵי חֹתָם are treated in various ways. The word חֹתָם is translated with the cognate only in the glosses of TgN in Exod 28:11, 21 (גלף דחתום); 39:6 (גלף דחתים); Exod 39:14, 30 (גליף דחתים).The other Targumim employ the following rendering of פִּתּוּחֵי חֹתָם: כתב מפרש כגלף דעזקא in TgO Exod 28:11, 21; 39:14; גליף חקיק ומפרש הי כגלוף דעיזקא in TgPsJ Exod 28:11, 21; 39:14; גליף חקיק in TgN 28:11, 21, 36; 39:6, 14, 30. In Exod 39:6 TgO has גליפן כתב מפרש, while in Exod 28:36 and 39:30 TgO have כתב מפרש; in Exod 39:6 TgPsJ has גליפן כתב חקיק מפרש, in Exod 39:30 גליף חקיק ומפרש, and in Exod 28:36 חקיק ומפרש.

A.2 The words כְתָב מְפָרַש ‘the script is distinct’ might be seen as a later insertion to explain the words כִגלָף דְעִזקָא, ‘like the engraving of a signet’. This explanation is offered for tgO Exod 28:11, cf. Grossfeld 1988:79, n. 3. These words combined with כִגלָף דְעִזקָא are also found in TgO Exod 28:11, 21; 39:14, and TgPsJ Exod 28:11 21; 39:14. But without in TgO Exod 28:36; 39:6, 30; TgPsJ Exod 39:6.

A.3 In LXX the expression פִּתּוּחֵי חֹתָם is translated differently: Exod 28:11 γλύμμα σφραγῖδος, ‘engraved figure, inscription’(GELS, 91, 465) 28:21 γλύφαὶ σφραγίδων, ‘carved work, carving, engraving’ (GELS, 91, 465); 28:36 ἐκτύπωμα σφραγῖδος, ‘figure in relief’ (GELS, 142); 39:6[36:13] ἐκκόλαμμα σφραγῖδος, ‘anything engraven’ (GELS, 137); 39:14[36:21] ἐγγεγραμμένα εἰς σφραγῖδος, ’to write down, to inscribe’ (GELS, 125); 39:30[36:37] ἐκτετυπωμένα σφραγῖδος, ‘to model or work in relief’ (GELS, 142).

According to the Greek text of the Wisdom of Ben Sira the most precious kind of a signet was an amber seal (σφραγἰς) on a precious stone (Sir 32 (35):5 (7)) and an emerald seal in a golden setting (Sir 32 (35):5 (7)). Sir 38:27 describes the craftsmen that made the signet ring, he who engraves seals, always thinking of good likeliness. A seal was used to lock things up, as it is said in Sir 42:6, ‘With an evil wife, it is as well to use a seal (σφραγἰς), and where there are many hands, lock things up’ (on the Hebrew text, see the section Exegesis, Textual Evidence, A.4).
A few times the word σφραγἰς is used figuratively: Sir 17:22 compares almsgiving to a signet ring for YHWH, and parallels it with the apple of the eye. In Sir 22:27 it is asked ‘Who will set a guard on my mouth, and an efficient seal (σφραγἰς) on my lips, to keep me from falling, and my tongue from causing my ruin?’

A.4 The cord in Gen 38:18 becomes a ‘cloak’ (שושיפא) in TgO and the Palestinian Targums. In Exod 28:11, 21; 39:14 both ṭarḥagO and ṭarḥagPsJ CHECK stipulate that the lettering should be clearly readable, like ‘the engraving on a ring’. The same rendering, עזקתא, is chosen in 1 Kgs 21:8; Jer 22:24; Hag 2:23; Song 8:6 (2x), probably to specify that we are dealing with a signet ring.

A.5 The translation of Gen 38:18 betrays the influence of a Targumic tradition: ܥܙܩܬܐ ܘܫܘܫܦܟ
(ʿ ezqtā wšošpāk), ‘your ring and your cloak’. In Job 38:14 the translator interpreted the consonants חותם as ‘their bodies’ and in Job 41:15 he rendered freely ‘sealed’.

A.6 SP always has the rendering חתים.

A.7 According to Jastrow DTT, 1272, the word in Tg Ezek 28:12 is a Hebraism; cf. the Hebrew (צוּרה).

5. Lexical/Semantic Fields

A.1
[ Discussion will be added later. ]

6. Exegesis

6.1 Literal Use

A.1 חוֹתָם is found rendered as ‘seal, signet ring’ (BDB, 368; DCH III, 180), ‘Siegel, Siegelring’ (Ges18, 333; HAL, 288, 350; ThWAT, vol. 3, 282-8, esp. 288) / ‘sigillum ... anulus signatorius’ (Zorell, 229), and Gesenius , TPC, 538: ‘sigillum ... Quoniam lapis signatorius plerumque annulo inclusus erat, חוֹתָם annulum signatorium significat, et propterea de re, quae in summo pretio habetur’; or only as ‘seal’ / ‘Siegel’ (HAWAT, 102: ‘Siegel, ... metaph. unveräusserliches Kleinod’); KBL, 284; NIDOTTE, vol. 2, 324-25) or only ‘Siegelring’ (HCHAT, vol. 1, 386). MHH, 283, explains it as מכשיר שסינש לחתימה ונישא על יד ימין או על הצוואר,חותמת ‘A device that is pressed for signing and is carried on the right hand or on the neck’, as does TLB, vol. 3, 103: ‘Seal, signet ring worn on right hand or upon the neck ... perhaps connected with thread. Served as sign of individual identification ... Fig.: symbol of expensive and chosen thing’. DBHE, 236, has the rendering of ‘seal’ but adds also ‘padlock’, ‘bolt’, and sees it as a methonym for ‘signet ring’: ‘sello, timbre, cuño; candado, cerrejo. Por metonimia, el anillo del sello’.

A.2 A seal חוֹתָם was engraved (פתח, literally ‘opened’) in (semi-)precious stone (cf. Exod 28:9) or glass by a specialised jeweller (חָרַשׁ). Since most people were unable to write, the seal served as a tool for authentication. As such it is one of the most frequently found relics of the cultures of the ancient Near East and it is simply impossible to review all that has been written about seals and sealing in antiquity here.

Documents on papyrus or leather were sealed with a bulla of clay identifying the sender (→ אִגֶּרֶת, סֵפֶר; cf. 1 Kgs 21:8; Job 38:14). Unfortunately the papyrus mostly decayed, but the clay with the seal impression remained. This is what is called a bulla (plural bullae). Literally thousands of such bullae have been found in Israel. The Hebrew word חוֹתָם could denote either the instrument with which the impression was made or the bulla which carried the impression. A seal could be applied to a scroll to prevent people from reading it prematurely (Isa 8:16; 29:11; Dan 12:4, 9, 24). In the Aramaic so-called Proto-Esther 4Q550:5 a scroll (→ מְגִלָּה) of king Darius is mentioned which was presumably ‘sealed with seven seals of his ring’. In the Book of Revelation too a scroll with seven seals is mentioned (Rev 5:1, 5).

But not only documents were authenticated by means of a seal. Jars with oil or wine were sealed to identify their owner. Just as in Mesopotamia and Egypt (cf. CAD (K), 548; Arnaud 2007:157, ll. 75-6; Schott 1957:180-82), a seal could be used to prevent unauthorised entry of a storehouse (Deut 32:34).

In order to guarantee authenticity, each seal had to have a unique decoration, even though the motifs were often copied from other seals. In many cases the jeweller also added the name and/or title of the owner (cf. Exod 28:11; 39:6, 14, 30), or his pedigree, and finally enclosed the seal in a gold or silver bezel. One such ring appears to be partially preserved (Deutsch 2003:72-74), but many seal impressions show a groove around the impression indicating the presence of a ring. In Jer 22:24 the חוֹתָם stands pars pro toto for the signet ring. However, not all seals were stamp seals and even stamp seals were not always embedded in a ring.

Despite Exod 20:4, many seals and bullae from ancient Israel were adorned with drawings of human beings, mythological animals (e.g. sphinxes), plants and trees, just as in the surrounding countries. Sometimes traditional Egyptian religious symbols are present, even on seals purportedly executed for Judaean kings (see e.g. Schroer 1987; Keel & Uehlinger 1992; Deutsch 2003). It is unwarranted to play down this evidence as mere symbols of power, without any religious significance (so, e.g., Deutsch 2002:51). But their presence certainly testifies to Phoenician-Egyptian superiority with regard to the manufacture of jewelry, as does the fact that both Hebrew designations of the seal, חוֹתָם and → טַבַּעַת, are old Egyptian loan words. Despite the mythological elements there is insuffficient reason to assume the meaning ‘seal-amulet’ (Loretz 2004:257-58).

Since there existed two types of seal, the cylinder seal and the stamp seal, it seemed logical to differentiate between these two words in biblical Hebrew. Moscati, for example, regarded חוֹתָם as a general term for seal which might also include the cylinder seal, whereas טַבַּעַת would have been the exclusive term for the stamp seal. However, there is no compelling reason to assume a typological difference between the two Hebrew words. Probably both denoted the signet-ring in general, in Palestine mostly the signet-ring or stamp seal which was the common type of seal there. Since טַבַּעַת occurs in late texts only, it is possible that this word started to supersede חוֹתָם as a general term for the signet-ring in later Biblical Hebrew. The circumstance that חוֹתָם still denotes a signet-ring in the late text Hag 2:23 can be explained by the intended allusion to Jer 22:24. Exod 28:11, 21, 36; 39:6, 14, 30 create the impression that by the time of their composition חוֹתָם was reserved for the gemstone whereas טַבַּעַת that occurs in the same chapters denoted any ring-shaped object.

In Gen 38:18 Tamar asks for Judah’s חוֹתָם and its cord (→ פָּתִיל) as well as his walking stick (→ מַטֶּה). Hallo 1983:14, takes the ‘staff’ as the pin on which a cylinder seal was mounted, but this is an unnecessary assumption. Both the seal and the staff were items of a highly personal nature and both were often inscribed with the name of the owner. In v. 25 the same seal is called חֹתֶמֶת, evidently nothing but a variant form of the same word (contrast HAL, 288: ‘Siegel’; 350: ‘Siegelring’). The cord suggested to Moscati that חֹתֶמֶת/חֹותָם must have been the cylinder seal here because it was apparently perforated and worn on a cord around the neck (Moscati 1949:316-17). Indeed it was possible to make an imprint from a cylinder seal holding the ends of a cord tightly drawn through the hole bored lenghtwise in the cylinder (Schott 1957:177). However, Keel 1984:144-47, followed by Schroer 1987:408-09, challenges this view and defends the stamp seal because archaeology has shown stamp seals to be far more common in ancient Israel than cylinder seals (ratio 20:1). Stamp seals too could be worn attached to a cord through a perforation or to a knob (see below, section 8). DCH III, 180, suggests that in Gen 38:18 the expression בְּיָדֶךָ not only relates to the staff, but also to the seal. In that case a cylinder seal worn on the wrist could be meant, but in view of the fact that the combination of מַטֶּה and בְּיַד is very common in biblical Hebrew, this is a less likely solution.

Because the flat, scaraboid or tabloid seals were often made of (semi-)precious stones and needed a ring or pendant of silver or gold as a setting, these seals must have been relatively expensive. Consequently, only people in high positions could afford this kind of seal. However, as we have seen, conoid stamp seals and even thick scaraboid seals could be attached to a string too and this type of seal occurs so frequently in Palestine that it must have been within reach of less affluent people (Keel 1984: 117, with n. 440; Schroer 1987:404-06). Even though in Egyptian the word ḫtm originally seems to have designated the cylinder seal (so Schott 1957:181), in contrast to ḏb’t, (= Hebr. → טַבַּעַת, the signet ring), this etymological argument is insufficient to prove that חוֹתָם in biblical Hebrew was still the cylinder seal. It seems more likely that חוֹתָם developed into a more or less general term for all types of seals (see above on Jer 22:24).

The use of a חוֹתָם is described in 1 Kgs 21:8. Jezebel writes letters in Ahab’s name and seals them with his seal. This text illustrates the power a person acquired through using the seal of someone with higher authority. If Jezebel actually had her own seal, as seems very likely now (see Marsman 2003:655-65; Korpel 2006; 2008), she intended to assume Ahab’s authority. Comparable is Aḥiqar 3:18, where Nadan writes a letter to the king of Egypt and seals it with the signet ring (ʿizqâ) of his uncle Aḥiqar, pretending that Aḥiqar himself had written the letter. Such acts may seem fraudulous to us and probably the writers of these passages intended to create this impression. In actual fact, however, dynastic seals could be used during many generations by different people (Auerbach 1991) and borrowing of seals might occur with the owner’s permission (cf. Gen 41:42; Est 8:7-10; Singer 1995:57-64). Nevertheless, it must be assumed that normally nobody could use another person’s seal without explicit authorisation.

The passages in which the verb חתם Qal or passive Qal occurs show that the seal was used to lend authority not only to letters, but also to a contract (Jer 32:10) or a covenant (Neh 9:38; 10:1). Also a scroll סֵפֶר could be sealed (Isa 8:16; 29:11; Dan 12:4, 9, | סתם הַדְּבָרִים ‘to shut up the words’) as well as a vision חָזוֹן in the form of a written text (Dan 9:24). In these cases sealing was apparently used to prevent people from reading the contents before a predetermined time.

A.3 In Arad two orders for a jar of oil end with the instruction חתם בחתמך ‘and seal it with your seal’ (Arad [6]13:3 and [6] 17:6-7, see also Arad [6] 4:2; [6] 7:9; [6] 10:4, where only the verb is used). The sealing in this context has the meaning of closing something safely, indicating the legal owner until it was delivered (cf. ḫ, 19). Because bullae on jar handles always represent an imprint of a circular, scaraboid or tabloid seal, the word חתם can only refer to the (seal on a) signet ring or stamp here, not to a cylinder seal.

A.4 The literal meaning of חותם seems to be attested in Sir 42:6 על אשה רעה חותם חכם ‘(Do not be ashamed of) an evil (var. foolish) wife (using) the seal of a wise man’.

In Sir 32 (35):5-6 חותם is used as a simile/metaphor for something very precious: כחותם על כיס זהב שיר אל על משתה היין ‘Like a seal on a bag of gold is a with a banquet with wine’, מלואות פז וחותם ברקת קול מזמור על נועם תירוש ‘A setting of pure gold and a signet of carnelian is the sound of music with pleasant wine’.

The noun חותם occurs metaphorically in Qumran 1QHa XVI:11 חותם רזו ‘the seal of its mystery’ and 4Q300, fr. 1, ii:2 כי חתום מכם ח]תם החזון ‘because the seal of the vision is sealed up from you’. In a different metaphorical way it is used in 4Q274:fr. 3, ii.3: וכול אשר יש לו חותם ‘and everything that has a pod’. In the Aramaic so-called Proto-Esther 4Q550:5 a scroll of king Darius is mentioned which was presumably ‘sealed with seven seals of his ring’ (חתימין שבעה בעזקתה).

The circumstance that seals were often adorned with all kinds of animals and sometimes even pagan deities is assumed to have been embarrassing to Jews in the Talmudic period ( TA, vol. 1, 200-01, 661). A kind of seal around the neck served to identify the owner of a slave ( TA, vol. 2, 89) and sealings on jars were still common ( TA, vol. 2, 279), as were seals to keep written documents secret and authenticate them ( TA, vol. 3, 193-4).

6.2 Figurative Use

A.1 The seal is used as a prime example of artistic skill in the case of the breastplate of Aaron. When the stones have to be engraved with the names of the tribes of Israel the craftsmen have to do their work just like an experienced stone carver engraving a seal (פִּתּוּחֵ֣י חֹתָם, Exod 28:11 |
39:6, 14). It is interesting that the stones have to be enframed (סבב hoph.) in gold filigree (מִשְׁבְּצֹות זָהָב), just as was done with seals in signet rings. According to Exod 28:36 (| 39:30) a plate of pure gold has to be made for the turban of the priest and has to be inscribed with the words ‘Holy to YHWH’, again like the engraving of a signet (פִּתּוּחֵ֣י חֹתָם). Sir 45:11-12 undoubtedly alludes to these Exodus texts.

A signet ring was a precious and very personal object that was worn constantly, because it could be used for fraudulous transactions if it was lost or stolen (Hallo 1977 and 1983). This is the reason why seals were always kept in close contact to the skin. This occurs as a metaphor in Song 8:6 where one of the lovers asks the beloved, ‘put me (שׂים qal) like a seal upon your heart (עַל־לִבֶּךָ), as a seal upon your arm (זְרֹועֶךָ)’. In the first line חוֹתָם can only be a seal attached to a cord or chain worn directly on the skin. The second seal is positioned עַל־זְרֹועֶךָ ‘on the arm’ which might be interpreted as ‘on the wrist’ (see Hallo 1977:26; Shubert 2001:253, and the iconographical evidence in Keel 1984:116-17; contrast Loretz 2004:246, 257-60, who pleads for ‘Fingerring’). It seems fairly certain that the simile of the seal was introduced into the song to warn the other party of the fierce jealousy which would be the consequence of infidelity. The unbreakable bond of love may have been expressed by such a formula in which bride and groom promised each other absolute faithfulness and which may have been symbolised by a pair of similar seals or rings (cf. Lemaire 2007:14-15). In the textual tradition the formula has been transmitted as pronounced by either bride or groom (cf. Korpel 2003:97-103).

Because the seal was such a precious and intimate object it became also an obvious choice for a personal name, comparable to ‘Ruby’ in modern times (Hotham in 1 Chron 7:32 and 1 Chron 11:44).

A royal seal was a symbol of ultimate authority and therefore it is highly suggestive imagery when the prophet Haggai makes Zerubbabel the signet ring on the hand of God, ‘I will take you, O Zerubbabel my servant, the son of Shealtiel, and make (lit. ‘put’, שׂים qal, here perhaps preferable in view of Jer 22:24) you like a signet ring; for I have chosen you’ (Hag 2:23). This imagery clearly implies that God will make Zerubbabel instrumental in all his decisions with regard to the overthrowing of the kingdoms described in Hag 2:22. The author of Sir 49:11 is still awed by this high distinction when he exclaims, ’How shall we extol Zerubbabel? He was like a signet ring (σφραγίς) on the right hand’, obviously referring back to Haggai’s prophecy. Actually this prophecy was a conscious reversal of the punishment incurred by Zerubbabel’s grandfather Jehoiachin (Jeconiah, Coniah): ‘As surely as I live, even if you ... were a signet ring on my right hand, I would still pull (נתק qal) you off.’ (Jer 22:24). This text shows that a signet ring was usually worn on the right hand. This is confirmed by an Egyptian picture of a wesir wearing a cylindrical seal ring at his right hand (Keel 1986:246, Abb. 142a).

Ezek 28:12-13 (with the emendation adopted by the versions and a host of scholars, e.g. Zimmerli 21979:672) seems to compare the King of Tyre to ‘a perfect signet (חֹותֵם תָּכְנִית, LXX ἀποσφράγισμα ὁμοιώσεως, ‘a signet of likeness’) full of wisdom and perfect in beauty’ (for a different solution see Callender 2000). The rare word תָּכְנִית is no doubt the same word as Akkadian taknītu / taknû, ‘care, solicitude’ (CAD (T), 84-5), also used of carefully worked gems. So the literal meaning is ‘a signet of care’. The next verse enumerates many precious stones (see on the problematic identification of the gems Block 1997:106-10) which may have been thought to have been set in a pectoral or other ornament, but may also have been intended as material for the signet: ‘every precious stone was your covering (מְסֻכָת), the sardius, topaz, and the diamond (?), the beryl, the onyx, and the jasper, the sapphire, the emerald, and the carbuncle, and gold: the craftsmen work of your beauties (תֻּפֶּיךָ) and your engravings (נְקָבֶיךָ) were on you; on the day you were created they were prepared’. The word תֺּף does not mean ‘tambourine’ here, but might be related to Ug.
tp ‘beauty’ (cf. KTU 1.96:2), as a parallel of יֹפִי in v. 12. Signets of kings often not only contained inscriptions, to which the word נֶקֶב refers (derived from the root נקב ‘to perforate, to inscribe with a name’, cf. KTU 1.17:V.35), but also iconography (cf. Deutsch 2002). Probably the plural תֻּפַּיִךְ may describe the manifold engraved pictures on the seal. Because signet rings as well as cylinder seals could be inscribed (ThWAT, vol. 3, 283; LÄ, vol. 5, 295) and set in gold (Hallo 1983:11-12; Schroer 1987: n. 277) both kinds of seals might be meant in this text. Hallo 1983:14, favours the cylinder seal because it is ‘durative’, it ends only where the impressed surface ends. Thus, it would be a symbol of perfection. Up till now, however, this metaphorical interpretation is not attested anywhere else in the ancient Near East and cylinder seals were more common in Mesopotamia than in Syria and Palestine.

In Job 38:14 God’s daily power over the dark is compared to the printing of a seal. There is no reason at all to assume the meaning ‘press mold’ here (contra CVOT, 10). The earth molds itself like clay (חֹמֶר) to the seal, when the rays of dawn slowly reveal the countours of the earth: mountains, trees, people, animals; just as a flat surface of clay gets its wonderful shadowlines by the imprint of a seal. The rising sun with its beams creating light and shadow is depicted as a garment over the earth. Keel 1984:114, with n. 426 (see also Schroer 1987:409) pays attention to the flow of light in this simile: just as dawn does not illuminate any particular part of the earth at once but in a slow process, so the contours of the earth are revealed gradually. The beams of light ‘roll’ over the surface of the earth as a cylinder seal rolls over the clay. This text would therefore prove that the cylinder seal and its use were known in ancient Israel.

The image of sealing evoked the image of closing something tightly. In Job 41:17 (tr. 15), the back of the sea monster Leviathan is said to be made of rows of shields, shut (סגר Qal.pass.) by a tight (צָר) seal. The verb חתם qal often has this meaning of ‘to close’. In Job 9:7 YHWH speaks to the sun and it does not shine anymore; he seals off (חתם Qal) the light of the stars. Job 24:16 describes evildoers as people who shut themselves up in their dark houses. For comparable use of the verb, see Lev 15:3; Song 4:12; Job 14:17 (’a sealed bag’, צְרֹור). In Deut 32:34 God’s punishment is metaphorically stored up under seal (cf. Sanders 1996:226-28).

6.3 Pictorial Material

A.1 Good illustrations of the use of seals to certify the contents of containers and to prevent unauthorised opening of doors are provided by Otto 2010. See also the illustrations accompanying Korpel 2006; 2008. The technique to apply a seal to a papyrus is described by Brandl 2000.

[ Discussion will be expanded later. ]

6.4 Archaeology

A.1 Three main types of seal were used in the ancient Near East, the cylinder seal which made an impression in clay or wax by rolling, a stamp seal, usually in the form of a ring, or a conoid stamp seal. All cylinder seals discovered in Palestine were imported from Syria and Mesopotamia, or were local imitations (Schroer 1987:405 n. 263). The cylinder seal was pierced lengthwise to pull a cord or wire through and was worn around the neck or a bracelet on the wrist (Shubert 2001:253). However, also the conoid stamp seal could be worn on a cord. Sometimes even the seal of a signet ring was perforated and worn on a wire. An expensive form of this kind of seal was presented by Deutsch 2003, 72-4. In the reported case the flat seal was set in a silver pendant and fixed with a wire passing through a perforation. Other seals, however, also could be worn on a cord (Keel 1984:114, with n. 426). Several conic seals found in Palestine/Israel appear to be perforated in the middle, like a button, in other cases the conic handle was pierced crosswise (Keel-Leu 1989:1-39; Keel 1989:39-54). According to Kaplony 1984:291, the cylinder seal was at first predominant in ancient Egypt, and was replaced by the signet ring only later on (in Palestine in the 1st millennium BCE, cf. Schott 1957:181; Schroer 1987:405 n. 263).

Although hoards of bullae nowadays often enough are reason to express doubt about their authenticity, it may be assumed that in many cases fire or decay has destroyed archives of papyrus, so that only the bullae remained in situ (cf. LBI, 307).

Up till now 24 Hebrew seals and bullae have been discovered which must have belonged to women, and another 8 which might have belonged to women -- a dwindling proportion of the thousands of seals and bullae found in Palestine/Israel (Marsman 2003:643-58; Deutsch 2011:92). These seals throw light on the social status of Israelite women, indicating that in spite of their prevalent discrimination, they sometimes did have the legal right to sign documents. Of a woman named Shelomit, probably a high official of the governor of Judah, it is likely that she worked as an administrator because her seal (6th cent. BCE) was found in an official archive together with the seal of the province of Yehud (Marsman 2003: 653). A nice ring of a woman with a name seal in it is described by Deutsch 2003:72-74. The seal was made of glass and set in a silver ring. The signet ring (unfortunately without official finding place) was acquired together with five identical bullae, confirming the use of the signet ring, presumably in antiquity. A big and exceptionally beautiful seal may have belonged to the Israelite queen Jezebel and another one to a hitherto unknown queen Eldalah (Korpel 2006).

Most seals were made of soft stone, enstatite (Magnesium Silicate) for example, which lent itself to easy engraving and was afterwards hardened in fire. More expensive were stones of agate, cornelian, opal and sapphire. Often the choice of stone was related to the imagery engraved in it (Keel 1990:87-88; Lehmann 2002).

Noteworthy in the seals found in Palestine is the fact that the earliest and oldest ones only present primitive symbols (dots, stars, etc.), and much later pictures of animals and people, but from the 7th and 6th all such iconography on seals seems to have disappeared. From that period on, seals generally have two lines of lettering, often inscriptions with names and titles. It is assumed that this could be related to the reformation of King Hezekiah and his emphasis on the aniconic character of the worship of YHWH (Keel 1977:44, with n. 74; Schroer 1987:405), but it is difficult to prove this.

Some signet rings have been found in pairs and may have functioned as wedding rings, in two sizes, both with the same iconography on the seal. Only the larger signet ring of the man was inscribed with his name and pedigree (see above on Song 8:6).

At the beginning of the 20th century Gustav Dalman reports that signet rings were made of silver and gold, and both were worn at the left hand as well as in a small bag, closed with a cord, around the neck (Dalman 1937:275).

7. Conclusion

A.1 Biblical as well as extra-biblical evidence indicate that in Israelite historical times חֹתֶמֶת / חוֹתָם denoted the seal in general. The Egyptian origin of the word warrants the hypothesis that at least originally it may also have described a cylinder seal, but there is no definite proof for this in the Bible. In any case the verb חתם must be regarded as denominative of the noun חוֹתָם. Especially the use of the word in Song 8:6 supposes a general word ‘seal’, because two different kinds of seal are designated with the same word חוֹתָם. As a personal object it could have been both the cylinder seal as well as the signet ring (Keel 1986:245).

A seal was mostly worn by people in a position of authority, but had become common enough to be worn by ordinary people too. Because in the quasi-total absence of literacy the seal served as a means to identify its owner, it was jealously guarded. It must have been a token of ultimate trust when a king or officer allowed another person to borrow his seal.

The seal itself was made of stone that could easily be engraved. Many irrefutable examples show that despite the commandment to avoid graven images many people in ancient Israel and Judah did not see any harm in depicting human beings, mythological animals and Egyptian religious symbols on their seals. The engraved sealing stone was often set into a ring of silver or gold, but could also be worn attached to a simple cord threaded through a perforation or tied around a knob. The way in which seals were worn could vary. Three manners are attested in the biblical texts: attached to a cord around the neck (Gen 38:18, 25), as a signet ring on the hand (Jer 22:24), or on the wrist (Song 8:6). The seals were used to lend authority to a written text (1 Kgs 21:8) and to identify a person (Gen 38:25), especially the owner. The use of the verb חתם reveals that seals were often used to secure closed objects like jars, bags or other containers, to garantuee the integrity of their contents. They were also used to seal off storerooms or to protect documents from being read by people who did not have permission to do so. This metaphorical use of the word made it an ideal term to indicate that knowledge of certain mysteries had been ‘sealed off’.

The ancient versions seem to confirm that the translators were aware of the fact that normally the ancient Israelite seal had the shape of a ring. Circular or oval impressions of seals on bullae confirm that the seal itself was usually set in a ring.

Because most seals found in Palestine/Israel are stamp seals and only rarely cylinder seals it must be concluded that in general the stamp seal was most common in the ancient region of Israel and Judah. The archaeological evidence from Palestine, Egypt and Mesopotamia suggests that around the beginning of the first millennium the cylinder seal was replaced by the stamp seal. From the archaeological evidence it can be concluded that despite the gender discrimination in the ancient Orient, both men and women could use signet rings to authorise legal transactions (pace MacKay 2000, who follows several older exegetes). It is possible, but still unconfirmed, that sometimes signet rings appeared in pairs as wedding rings for bride and groom.

Bibliography

For the abbreviations see the List of Abbreviations.

Arnaud 2007
D. Arnaud, Corpus des textes de bibliothèque de Ras Shamra-Ougarit (1936-2000) en sumerien, babylonien et assyrien (Aula Orientalis, Supplements, 23), Sabadell-Barcelona: Ausa.
Auerbach 1991
E. Auerbach, ‘Heirloom Seals and Political Legitimacy in Late Bronze Age Syria’, Akkadica 74-75, 19-36.
Avigad 1988
N. Avigad, ‘Hebrew Seals and Sealings and Their Significance for Biblical Research’, in: J.A. Emerton, Congress Volume Jerusalem 1986 (SVT, 40), Leiden: Brill, 7-16.
Avigad & Sass 1997
N. Avigad & B. Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals Jerusalem.
Block 1997
D.L. Block, The Book of Ezekiel: Chapters 25-48 (NICOT), Grand Rapids.
Brandl 2001
B. Brandl, ‘Bullae with Figurative Decoration’, in: D.T. Ariel, Excavations at the City of David, 1978-1985, vol. 6 (Qedem, 41), Jerusalem, 58-74.
Callender 2000
D.E. Callender Jr., ‘The Primal Human in Ezekiel and the Image of God’, in: M.S. Odell & J.T. Strong (eds), The Book of Ezekiel: Theological and Anthropological Perspectives (JBL Symposium Series, 9), Atlanta 175-93.
Colon 2001
D. Colon, How Seals Were Worn and Carried: The Archaeological and Iconographic Evidence’, in: W.W. Hallo & I.J. Winter (eds), Proceedings of the XLVe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Part 2: Yale University Seals and Seal Impressions, Bethesda, 15-30.
Deutsch 2002
R. Deutsch, ‘Lasting Impressions: New Bullae Reveal Egyptian-Style Emblems on Judah’s Royal Seals’, BARe 28/4, 42-51, 60-1.
Deutsch 2003
R. Deutsch, Biblical Period Hebrew Bullae: The Josef Chaim Kaufman Collection, Tel Aviv.
Deutsch 2004
R. Deutsch, ‘Two Personal Hebrew Seals’, in: M. Heltzer & M. Malul (eds), Teshurot Le-Avishur: Studies in the Bible and the Ancient Near East in Hebrew and Semitic Languages, Tel Aviv.
Deutsch 2011
R. Deutsch, Biblical Period Epigraphy: The Josef Chaim Kaufman Collection -- Seals, Bullae, Handles, 2nd volume, Tel Aviv: Archaeological Center Publications.
Fraenkel 1886
S. Fraenkel, Die aramäischen Fremdwörter im Arabischen, Leiden: Brill.
Gorelick & Williams-Forte 1983
L. Gorelick & E. Williams-Forte (eds), Ancient Seals and the Bible, Malibu.
Gwinnet & Gorelick 1983
A.J. Gwinnett & L. Gorelick, ‘Seal Manufacture in the Lands of the Bible: Recent Findings’, in: Gorelick & Williams-Forte 1983, 44-54.
Hallo 1977
W.W. Hallo, ‘Seals Lost and Found’, in: M. Gibson & R.D. Biggs (eds), Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East (Biblioteca Mesopotamica, 6), Malibu, 55-60 (with a correction in RA 75 [1981], 95).
Hallo 1983
W.W. Hallo, ‘ ‘’As the seal upon thine arm’’: Glyptic Metaphors in the Biblical World’, in: Ancient Seals and the Bible (Occasional Papers on the Near East, 2/1), Malibu, 7-17.
Keel 1984
O. Keel, Deine Blicken sind Tauben: Zur Metaphorik des Hohen Liedes (SBS, 114/115), Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk.
Keel 1986
O. Keel, Das Hohelied (ZBKAT), Zürich: Theologischer Verlag.
Keel 1990
O. Keel, ’Siegel und siegeln in der Bibel’, in: O. Keel & C. Uehlinger (eds), Altorientalische Miniaturkunst: Die ältesten visuellen Massenkommunikationsmittel, Mainz am Rhein, 87-92.
Keel 1995
O. Keel, Corpus der Stempelsiegel-Amulette aus Palästina//Israel: Einleitung (OBO. Ser.Arch., 13), Freiburg: Universitätsverlag.
Keel 1997
O. Keel, Corpus der Stempelsiegel-Amulette aus Palästina/Israel: Von den Anfängen bis zur Perserzeit, Katalog Band I (OBO. Ser.Arch. 15), Freiburg: Universitätsverlag.
Keel-Leu 1989
Hildi Keel-Leu, ‘Die frühesten Stempelsiegel Palästinas: Von den Anfangen bis zum Ende des 3. Jahrtausends’, in: Othmar Keel et.al., Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Palästina/Israel, vol. II, Freiburg: Universitätsverlag, 1-39.
Keel & Uehlinger 1992
O. Keel & C. Uehlinger, Göttinnen, Götter und Gottessymbole: Neue Erkenntnisse zur Religionsgeschichte Kanaans und Israels aufgrund bislang unerschlossener ikonographischer Quellen (Quaestiones Disputatae, 134), Freiburg: Herder.
Korpel 2003
M.C.A. Korpel, ‘Who is Who? The Structure of Canticles 8:1-7’, in: M.C.A. Korpel & J. Oesch (eds), Unit Delimitation in Biblical Hebrew and Northwest Semitic Literature,Assen: Van Gorcum, 89-120.
Korpel 2006
M.C.A. Korpel, ‘Seals of Israelite Women in Authority’, Journal for Semitics 15/2, 349-71.
Korpel 2008
M.C.A. Korpel, ‘Queen Jezebel’s Seal’, UF 38, 379-98.
Lambdin 1953
Th.O. Lambdin, ‘Egyptian Loan Words in the Old Testament’, JAOS 73, 145-55.
Lambert 1960
Wilfred G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, Oxford: Clarendon Press
Lemaire 2007
A. Lemaire, ‘New Inscribed Hebrew Seals and Seal Impressions’, in: Meir Lubetski (ed.), New Seals and Inscriptions, Hebrew, Idumean, and Cuneiform, Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 9-22.
Lehmann 2002
R.G. Lehmann, ‘Beschriftete Siegelsteine aus der südlichen Levante und ihre Materialien’, in: W. Zwickel (ed.), Edelsteine in der Bibel, Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 12-22
Loretz 2004
O. Loretz, ‘Ägyptisierende, mesopotamisierende und ugaritisierende Interpretationen der Götter Môt und Eros in Canticum 8,6-7: ‘’Die Liebe ist so stark wie Môt’’ ‘, UF 36, 235-82.
MacKay 2000
Katharine A. MacKay, ‘Ring’ in: D.N. Freedman (ed.), Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishers, 1130-1.
Marsman 2003
H.J. Marsman, Women in Ugarit and Israel: Their Social and Religious Position in the Context of the Ancient Near East (OTS, 49), Leiden: Brill.
Millard 1999
A.R. Millard, ‘Owners and Users of Hebrew Seals’, ErIs 26 (1999), 9*-15*.
Moorey 1994
P.R.S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries: The Archaeological Evidence, Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.
Moscati 1949
S. Moscati, ‘I sigilli nell’Antico Testamento: Studio esegetico-filologico’, Bibl 30, 314-38.
Otto 2010
A. Otto, ‘Siegelpraxis. B. Archäologisch’, RLA, vol. 12, fasc. 5/6, 469-74.
Sanders 1996
Paul Sanders, The Provenance of Deuteronomy 32 (OTS, 37), Leiden: Brill.
Schott 1957
S. Schott, ‘Wörter für Rollsiegel und Ring’, WZKM 54, 177-85.
Schroer 1987
S. Schroer, In Israel gab es Bilder: Nachrichten von darstellender Kunst im Alten Testament (OBO, 74), Freiburg: Universitätsverlag.
Shubert 2001
S.B. Shubert, ‘Seals and Sealings’, in: D.B. Redford (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, vol. 3, Oxford, 252-57.
Singer 1995
I. Singer, ‘Borrowing Seals at Emar’, in: Westenholz 1995, 57-64.
Westenholz 1995
J.G. Westenholz, Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the Symposium Held on September 2, 1993, Jerusalem, Israel, Jerusalem.
Zimmerli 1979
W. Zimmerli, Ezechiel 25-48 (BKAT, 13/2), Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2nd ed.

The text of this article has been edited and supplemented by Geert Jan Veldman,

  1. LSJ, 221; GELS, 57. ↩

  2. LSJ, 367; GELS, 95. ↩

  3. LSJ, 760; Hebrew ‘Vorlage’ חַיָּה(?); GELS, 195. ↩

  4. LSJ, 1620; GELS, 628. ↩

  5. LSJ, 1742; GELS, 465. ↩

  6. Payne Smith, CSD, 793; Sokoloff, SLB, 222. ↩

  7. Payne Smith, CSD, 1409; Sokoloff, SLB, 505. ↩

  8. Payne Smith, CSD, 1409; Sokoloff, SLB, 505. ↩

  9. Payne Smith, CSD, 1429; Sokoloff, SLB, 512. ↩

  10. Payne Smith, CSD, 2854; Sokoloff, SLB, 1090. ↩

  11. Payne Smith, CSD, 2958; Sokoloff, SLB, 1128. ↩

  12. Jastrow, DTT, 1062; Sokoloff, DJBA, 853; Sokoloff, DJPA, 401. ↩

  13. Jastrow, DTT, 14; Sokoloff, DJBA, 801; Sokoloff, DJPA, 34-35. ↩

  14. Cf. Sokoloff, DJPA, 218; no reference in Jastrow, DTT. ↩

  15. Cf. Sokoloff, DJPA, 451-2; Jastrow, DTT, 1242-3. ↩

  16. Cf. Sokoloff, DJPA, 213; Jastrow, DTT, 497. ↩

  17. Cf. Sokoloff, DJPA, 213, 451-2; Jastrow, DTT, 497, 1242-43. ↩

  18. Cf. Sokoloff, DJPA, 461; Jastrow, DTT, 1272. ↩

  19. Cf. Sokoloff, DJPA, 218; Jastrow, DTT, 489. ↩

  20. Lewis & Short, LD, 134; OLD, 158. ↩

  21. Lewis & Short, LD, 308, 805, 1650; OLD, 324, 831, 1888-89. ↩

  22. Lewis & Short, LD, 749; OLD, 700. ↩

  23. Lewis & Short, LD, 805; OLD, 757. ↩

  24. Lewis & Short, LD, 1001-2; OLD, 1035. ↩

  25. Lewis & Short, LD, 308, 1273-74, 1650; OLD, 322, 1388-89, 1888-9. ↩

  26. Lewis & Short, LD, 166, 805, 1650; OLD, 175, 831, 1888-89. ↩

  27. Lewis & Short, LD, 1696; OLD, 1937. ↩

  28. Lewis & Short, LD, 1697-8; OLD, 1759-60. ↩

  29. Lewis & Short, LD, 1749; OLD, 1812. ↩

Semantics of Ancient Hebrew Database